The Republic, although from time to time be glorified myth, is an experience undemocratic and governing elites that had very little modeling, to the extent that only by force would be considered the predecessor of the current English democracy. Beyond the progress that drove (the extension of suffrage to women, social reform, enlargement citizenship rights to the popular, educational policy ...) left much to be desired as a pluralistic system based on the agreement and consensus.
In this respect, had a great responsibility, no doubt, political and social forces that were not identified with the democratization project started in 1931. Individual exceptions rather rare, the political groups that fed this abundant flow authoritarian (traditionalist monarchists, Catholics corporate fascists) did not look at democracy as a point of arrival.
But the Republic not only found obstacles in their right flank. The questioning of this democracy also left the world of the Left, particularly the revolutionary left. The Communists
, which were few, and especially syndicalists declared war on the Republic virtually at birth. In fact, until 1934 the main obstacle stood in the way of democratization were the second. His leadership during these dates undemocratic was much more important than the destabilizing impulses fired from the conservative world.
Given its "revolutionary and popular" the new regime could only be administered "by the genuine representatives of the people who had brought" . Accordingly, his enemies and opponents were automatically out of the foundational fact. The manifesto released a few days of April 14 by the socialist executive left no room for doubt: " The English Republic which now begins, and which we must be vigilant guardians us, is something essentially ours because our Heat was born and our heat has to assert himself and improved in future. "
Under these assumptions it is understood that the Socialists did not conceive the republican democracy as a pluralistic democracy, liberal and representative where you feel comfortable all English, but as forged a revolutionary democracy, even in part to his image and likeness .
His speech stressed that only those who had accepted the revolutionary legitimacy of origin could be legally and constitutionally entitled to exercise the power and be endowed with the consideration of forces loyal . Thus, from his particular interpretation of the Republic began to walk as a system that excluded opponents which punished (or at best restricted) the disparity of opinions, subordinating individual liberty to the collective progress of society .
The mere fact that the National Action (right) is present at the elections to try to bring deputies to the Constituent was a gesture that seemed inconceivable, since the end of the day did not represent anyone. Were "the leper Spain, whose carcass was buried forever," the real people who work and study, suffering and love. "
The deployment of insults with which they received the return of Catholics into the political arena so surprised by his richness of expression as its relentless ferocity and irony. Just one example among thousands of the newspaper "El Socialista" (27-5-1931): " is coming, coming! [...] The crowd of vermin, of foxes, of avechuchos of vermin, vampire of crows, martens, of owls, reptiles, jackals, hyenas and other animals infected animánculos damaging the country until the advent of the Republic, now becomes hellish cacophony of squawks, squeaks, howls, whistles and roars ".
The enthusiasm with which he received the arrival of the Republic in 1931, now vanished as if by magic. In an interview with Santiago Carrillo in late September, Caballero elaborated with the sincere toughness that characterized him, giving readers the most anti-democratic core of his thought: " I do not know how anyone has such a horror of dictatorship of the proletariat, a working potential violence. Is not it a thousand times preferable to violence working to fascism? "
In the twelve months, both out of doors and in private, they went on without respite from the fascist threat (without specifying exactly what was it) of the obligation to be vigilant and the need to arm themselves to the revolution.
The positions of the knights were gaining weight everywhere, to the point that almost all socialists (except the group of Besteiro) eventually endorse them.
The overwhelming victory of the center right and the Socialists and exasperated his speech erased any trace of respect for the law established. The least was that they had been deeply involved in its construction while part the Government. not accepted defeat and were willing to violate the rules of democracy. In its ideological schemes was not considered as normal alternation in the exercise of power .
well is evident, then, that for the socialist republic was not equal to democracy. The only sector socialist who opposed these plans was represented by leaders who still controlled Besteiristas UGT.
expressly abandoned the insurrectionary goals. At a meeting of National Committee of the UGT held on December 13 in camera, denied Saborit on the Republic had given a real threat of fascism: "Is it de que hay un peligro inmediato de fascismo? Yo digo que eso seriamente no hay quien lo diga ..."
En abril de 1934, las Juventudes Socialistas ratificaron en un congreso su apuesta por la insurrección armada y la dictadura del proletariado. Al tiempo que dieron por agotado el "régimen burgués", desarrollaron una organización militar propia que conllevó el acopio de armas y el adiestramiento de los militantes en muchos sitios.
Todo esto lo ha intentado repetir la camarilla-pandilla de ese Largo Caballero de León, nacido en Valladolid, en el periodo de 2004 a 2011, Y han usado exactamente idéntica mentalidad que la de 1930.
Tellagorri
second republic was hatred
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