Monday, August 31, 2009

How Many Calories Does A Suauna Suit

ART SPACE ART SPACE IN "THE SHOOTING 3" / CENTRE OF CONTEMPORARY EXPRESSIONS / ROSARIO, SANTA FE























AR art space has been invited to participate in the third edition of The Shooting , an event which will hold its third edition, Saturday October 10, 2009 at 21 pm, organized by the Center Contemporary Expressions, CEC conjunction with the Museum Castagnino + macro the city of Rosario, Santa Fe Location: Sargento Cabral and Rio
space artists participated:
Mauro Casagrande (Deer Eye, Santa Fe)
Nadalin Nora (La Plata, Bs As)
Liliana Roux (Buenos Aires)
Candioti Vera Lucia (Deer Eye, Santa Fe)
Angelica Rochon (Venado Tuerto, Santa Fe)

Monday, August 17, 2009

What Is The Temperature In Moab In April

In pursuit of political modernity. Interview with Roger


In pursuit of political modernity. Interview with Roger *

Ariel Ruiz Mondragón

The controversial 2006 federal election results left a polarization between the two fundamental political positions: the political left and right, which saw its interior, each with its nuances, dominated by their more conservative factions, which led her back almost irreconcilable positions. This has dire political consequences for the country.

What is the role that current Mexican democratization play both positions?, What are the possibilities to overcome to gain access to political modernity? Above them is the latest book by Roger Bartra, Mexican fracture. Left and right in the democratic transition (Mexico, Debate, 2009), on which virtually brief chat with the author.

Among other topics, we address the following: papel de las corrientes conservadoras en la izquierda y en la derecha, la necesidad de adoptar el liberalismo moderno, los adelantos en materia de tolerancia, la cultura democrática y las posibilidades de modernización política.

Bartra es doctor en Sociología por la Universidad de la Sorbona y está adscrito al Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales de la UNAM, institución de la que es profesor emérito. Es autor de más de quince libros, y colaborador de las más importantes revistas de política y cultura del país.

Ariel Ruiz (AR): ¿Por qué publicar hoy un libro como La fractura mexicana ?

Roger Bartra (RB): Quienes nos dedicamos a la sociología anthropology and we must give interested readers the results of our research and reflection. Sometimes we can see political processes that are not obvious and interesting to the public. People perceive social and political tensions now very strong and is interested in understanding its causes and possible consequences.

AR: The main thesis of his book is that the root cause of the rift is a heavy weight of conservative traditions within the Mexican left and right, nationalist populism expressed in the archaic and traditional Catholic reaction. Why these trends are strongly conservative tax?

RB: These trends have a long history and deeply rooted in Mexican reality. Fundamentalist Catholicism emerged strongly as a reaction against the revolution of 1910 and has gone through various stages and expressions such as movement Christer, Synarchism, militant anti-Catholic groups, etcetera. Mexican populism is consolidated at the time of Lázaro Cárdenas and since then we can recognize their presence inside and outside the PRI. Campesinistas has had expressions, Maoists and nationalists.

AR: Given the conservatism of the left and right, in general offers a vindication of liberalism. What are the elements of it that could contribute to modernization of Mexican politics? Because there is a mention of the liberalism of the old authoritarian regime.

RB: Some PRI, as Reyes Heroles, thought that the revolutionary nationalist regime was a form of liberalism. It may be true, but it was an authoritarian liberalism with strong populist ingredients. I believe it is necessary to promote, on the left and right, a modern democratic liberalism. On the right is often expressed as what is called neoliberalism. On the left is usually presented in the form of social democracy.

AR: In terms of respect and tolerance, how much progress has been made in the Mexican intellectual level?

RB: I think progress has been made. The intellectuals of today are generally more tolerant and less aggressive. I have known and dealt with intellectual extremists (right and left) with an open attitude to the discussion and understand that tolerance is a value that must be promoted. There are more problems with political leaders, who too often face their opponents as if they were enemies to be eliminated.

AR: I think that much of the criticism written about the conservatism of the left and right due to the reactionary nature of both. How would you characterize the position of both the face of modernity?

RB: Populism and fundamentalism are reactions against the capitalist modernization. Represent an archaic vision of society, looking wistfully into the past, exalt or dogmatic religious values, attitudes fundamentalists want to save, look to the nation or the church on grounds of policy. The backlash against modernity also expresses tragic situations, the capitalist system widespread exploitation, promotes the hegemony of market values, treated with contempt by those who protest the miserable conditions in which they live, marginalizing the spiritual ideals, aesthetic and intellectual .

AR: Do you believe that democratic culture is the main engine of industrial development and production of wealth. In this regard, how do you perceive the Mexican political culture? Because the two cultures encountered in recent governments, which called managerial or technocratic and populist, not seem to point towards a modern democratic culture.

RB: The democratic culture can boost economic development, but this is not their primary function. The democratic culture encourages a representative political system based on freedom and tolerance, which encourages the participation of citizens in government decisions. The democratic culture promotes the free right of everyone to vote for real alternatives on the basis the principle of the numerical majority, without prejudice to the rights of the minority to stay in the game to eventually become a majority. Technocratic and populist traditions are not in this sense: the former are primarily concerned with efficiency in the steering and the second arbitrarily assume the representation of all people regardless of election results (often neglected).

AR: In the political struggle and the struggle for democratic modern country, what role does the PRI?, Can be a modernizing force, or just wants to right his resurrection as "revolutionary"? A Inside, the currents are they modernizing force?

RB: The PRI is also fragmented. His dinosaurs representing a revolutionary and nationalist right behind. But there also is modernizing liberal currents. The internal conflict was quite evident during the 2000 electoral process: the "revolutionaries" were against the shift, but the modern groups (headed by President Zedillo) supported the democratic alternative. PRI's main problem is that it drags the weight of a corrupt and manipulative tradition. His modernizing sometimes acquire heinous and grotesque forms, as is the case of Salinas de Gortari.

AR: You said three great scourges of the Mexican right: his Catholic fundamentalism, the myths of national identity and the defense of the petty bourgeoisie. What possibilities for modernization notes in it?

RB: There is a right linked to the development of more sophisticated forms of the economy, influenced by the great advances in scientific knowledge, technological and intellectual, which exalts the capitalist globalization and wants to guide the public administration according to models of the big monopolies. It is a secular and democratic right. Cares little for social equality and think more in terms of economic development and wealth generation business.

AR: Regarding your article on the social sciences academy said in the chiefdom, mediocrity, bureaucracy, potlatch Similarly, the lack of criticism, too much theory and little empirical research, as well as the long distance and saved to society . Is not that world is very similar to that of Mexican politics and politicians, not a few scholars repudiate, how scholars can come to society?

RB: Politicians largely come from academia, and it is true that there are great similarities between the world of intellectual and political elites. To the intellectuals are offered several ways to approach society. First, they can become politicians and parties from trying to approach the society. The danger is that they cease to be intellectual and not always bring people together, but they are encapsulated in the political bureaucracy. Other traditional scholars who are tied to the corporation is to become public intellectuals. It is a figure that in some places is almost extinct (as in the U.S.), but in Latin America and in many places in Europe remains important and significant.

AR: The movement of 1968 highlights countercultural appearance ("a form of consumption, entertainment and criticism"), which was very important in the transition democratic. What survives today counter that attitude?

RB: In the Mexican intelligentsia still find remnants of the culture of 68. Even the youngest maintain some links with the tradition of the sixties counterculture. But there are dimensions of the counterculture of the 68 that have withered. For example, the cult of youth revolution and, paradoxically, are cultivated by the older and conservative.


* A slightly shorter version of this interview was published in Millennium weekly, no. 612, July 13, 2009. Reprinted with permission from the director.